Jardim Gramacho Context & Perspectives

Prepared by: Instituto de Estudos do Trabalho e

Sociedade IETS October, 2013

About IETS The Ins/tute for Labor and Social Studies (Ins$tuto de Estudos do Trabalho e Sociedade IETS) is a non-prot, civil society organiza/on based in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. IETS is structured as a network which brings together researchers from universi/es and other research organiza/ons working in a variety of elds with policy makers. The four principal ac/vi/es of IETS are: applied research; design, monitoring, and evalua/on of public policy; knowledge produc/on and diusion; and open dialogue.

Acknowledgments: SEA COMLURB Prefeitura de Duque de Caxias Prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro ACEX COOPERGRAMACHO COOPERCAMJG COOPERCAXIAS COOPERJARDIM ACAMJG

EPA Environmental Protec/on Agency JIUS May Yu RUA Arquitetos FFAU John Hopkins University Studio X Jonathan Rose Companies Shalini Vajjhala

About this document This document was prepared by IETS based on careful rst-hand research that includes sta/s/cal and qualita/ve data, technical visits, informal and formal interviews, mee/ngs and conferences, mapping ac/vi/es, bibliographic and media research.

It was assembled as a mutually complementary document to the Redevelopment Framework prepared by Jonathan Rose Companies. Both were funded by Bloomberg Philanthropies, under the US-Brazil Joint Ini/a/ve for Urban Sustainability JIUS.

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Jardim Gramacho

Introduction_ IETS began working in Jardim Gramacho a small neighborhood in the second largest city in Rio de Janeiros metropolitan region in 2010, commissioned by the State Secretary for Environment (SEA) to elaborate a social, economical and environmental diagnosis of the territorys situa/on. Central to the regions waste disposal system and especially to the city of Rio de Janeiro the neighborhood housed one of the largest landll in La/n America since 1978. Known as the Metropolitan Landll of Jardim Gramacho (AMJG), the sites closure was announced for 2011 due to the exhaus/on of its capability to receive addi/onal waste and other environmental issues implicated due to its loca/on, propor/on and social impact along three decades.

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IETS work produced crucial data and constructed important insights to help aid all levels of Government, especially the State, through SEA, and Duque de Caxias municipality, where Jardim Gramacho is located. The work consisted of a sta/s/cal report that was representa/ve of families with and without a waste-picker, in order to quan/fy the impact of the landlls closure on household income and to allow analy/cal proling of Jardim Gramachos residents and their social and economical /es to the AMJG.

Photos: the AMJG, already shutdown (lee) and the neighborhood of Jardim Gramacho seen from its northern limit, the Sarapu River (below), both taken by IETS from a technical helicopter ight in 2013. On the photo below, the AMJG is located exactly on the lee, where the picture cuts o.

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Also, a par/cipa/ve ac/on plan was devised with short-, mid- and long-term necessary measures, their goals and their poten/al promoters and stakeholders, accompanied by a dynamic governance proposal based on the systema/zed (although ongoing) ar/cula/on process for the AMJGs closure and the neighborhoods redevelopment and social compensa/ons.

Aeer the work was concluded in 2011, IETS maintained /es with the territory: as an observer, accompanied the AMJGs closing process; as a partner, par/cipated and supported the neighborhoods community forum; and as an ar/culator, was present in mee/ngs and debates on the subject of Jardim Gramacho and social and economic impacts of the waste disposal systems in Brazil. This posture allowed IETS to map and register through technical visits, photographs, interviews and passive observa/on the major transforma/ons in Jardim Gramacho aeer the landlls closure. Unfortunately, no funds were raised to enable a return to the eld to produce sta/s/cal data to compare with the rst diagnosis and conrm or disprove its prognosis.

The following document oers a synthesis of IETS data and knowledge on the neighborhoods context and perspec/ves given its historical trajectory and present dynamics illustrated by images that may help picture the complex reality hereby described, either from public archives or taken during IETS visits to the territory.

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Jardim Gramacho

Context_ Jardim Gramachos historical trajectory majers to the extent that it corroborates the neighborhoods tradi/onal features, geopoli/cal inser/on and recognized poten/als, allowing an analysis of the con/nui/es and discon/nui/es in that territorys development. In this sense, the early years of Jardim Gramacho reects the colonial dynamic that ruled todays metropolitan region at the /me: coee and sugar cane mills that used the river system and the proximity to the Guanabara Bay to drain produc/on towards ports and other des/na/ons. Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, the region around Rio de Janeiro city, known today as Baixada Fluminense, gradually evolved from a completely rural social and economic organiza/on to a populous urban reality. The denite kicko was the extensions of the train system towards Rio de Janeiro States interior, towards the imperial ci/es in the mountains, through the then barely occupied outskirts of its capital.

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In 1884, the train tracks crossed todays municipality of Duque de Caxias and inaugurated a sta/on in the nearby neighborhood of Gramacho in 1888. Large proper/es and farms were broken down into ever-smaller lots, public services slowly crept in and the aboli/on of slavery, proclama/on of the Republic and migra/ons from inside and outside of the country towards the capital and its proximi/es both pressured and were fed by the industrial and urbaniza/on processes set in mo/on more aggressively aeer the 1930s.

At that point, another important development inductor was constructed, aec/ng Jardim Gramacho in a especial way: the inaugura/on of the Washington Luiz Highway (BR-101) in early 1930s cut the incipient urban /ssue that covered that area and became a deni/ve physical fron/er for the neighborhood. Despite this fact, Jardim Gramacho ocially and administra/vely extends to the other side of the highway during IETS research there were waste pickers directly and indirectly iden/es who lived on the other side of the road, but it was also veried that the Photo: Washington Luiz Highway (BR101), taken

by IETS during helicopter technical visit in 2013 7

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highway represents an important barrier in the neighborhoods dynamics.

From this period through the 1970s, although IETS did not gain access during its research of any documents that dealt specically with the areas development, tes/monies and contextual informa/on indicate that Jardim Gramacho developed as a low- and middle-income residen/al area, with local businesses and larger industries or suppor/ng enterprises alongside and close to the highway. When the neighborhood was chosen to host the landll, Brazil had been under an authoritarian military regime for over a decade, and the project itself was part of that Governments ajempts to ins/gate a metropolitan approach to its urban centers around the country.

Opened in 1978, inadvertently following Rio de Janeiros tradi/onal axis for disposing of waste the Guanabara Bays mangrove shores but promising in terms of innova/ve forms of co-management between neighboring ci/es in a metropolitan mindset, the new landll became immediately inappropriate. By 1979, economic crisis made Government cutback on expenses, while the Ministry of the Environment (MMA) prohibited the disposal of waste in bodies of water such as rivers, lakes, lagoons and bays. By mid-1980s, the military regime had almost disintegrated completely, meaning that its ins/tu/ons such as the one created to monitor the landll and other metropolitan projects lost legi/macy and power, while each municipality was struggling with their own budgets.

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It was during this decade that the daily 3.000 tons of waste grew to 5.000 tons per day, ajrac/ng more and more waste-pickers that began working and living in and near Jardim Gramachos landll. Living condi/ons at this /me were precarious: the landll was virtually an enormous and incontrollable wasteland in which trucks poured endless

loads of trash, while people and animals competed for the leeovers. There are reports of the AMJG that point to res, structural problems and manure leakage to the Bay during this period, or the gradual infrastructural degrada/on of the landll. Meanwhile, in social and economic terms, these were also the decades in which it became clear that Brazil was not managing to accommodate with

Photos: to the lee, a precarious home of a Rio de Janeiro city slum in the 1960s from the Na/onal Archive; to the right, a precarious home of Jardim Gramachos slum in 2013, taken during IETS technical visits.

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welfare most of its popula/on, and urban fringes and the rural interior also suered economic and infrastructural degrada/ons.

Since the 1980s, COMLURB, which is Rio de Janeiros city company responsible for cleaning, collec/ng and disposing of waste, had assumed responsibility for running the landll, becoming the ocial beneciary of the land even though it was located in another municipality due to Rios preponderance both in terms of necessity for a waste facility and quan/ty of waste disposed in the AMJG. By the early 1990s, when Rio de Janeiro held the UNs Conference for the Environment known as Eco or Rio 92 the neighborhood was already iden/ed with poverty and inhumane condi/ons related to waste and lth. Growing public awareness, new local or na/onal ins/tu/ons and foreign funds nally aligned to try and remedy the situa/on in Jardim Gramacho. Concluded in 1996, the AMJGs recupera/on and restructuring transformed into a controlled landll, with several environmental and technical standards. This was a turning point for the landll and for Jardim Gramacho, in which COMLURB changed its modus operandi completely: with a concession involving both landlls recupera/on and opera/on by the private sector, it kept the role of supervisor while the AMJGs opera/on and maintenance was done by successive contracts with private companies, up un/l its closure in 2011.

During this eeen-year period (1996-2011), over four dierent corpora/ons held contracts to operate the AMJG under COMLURBs

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supervision and with each new concession, COMLURB added dierent clauses involving social and environmental measures to be done by each corpora/on. Among these measures were: (i) replant na/ve mangrove seedlings from the Guanabara Bay; (ii) hire a social assistant to register and organize the waste-pickers working shies, avoiding child labor and enforcing the use of individual protec/on equipment; (iii) support the crea/on of a coopera/ve within the AMJG for waste-pickers to structure their work; and (iv) build a school and an adjacent basic health unit for the community (run by the city of Duque de Caxias). These measures gradually transformed both the internal dynamics of the landll, and the neighborhood and its inhabitants.

During the lajer years of the 1990s and throughout the decade of 2000, Jardim Gramacho became notorious for its size and the waste-pickers life dynamics through documentaries, art ini/a/ves, media reports, studies and other means. In 2007, COMLURB signed its last concession for the landll with the consor/um Novo Gramacho Energia Ambiental S.A., with four ends: (1) to operate the AMJG during its remaining life/me; (2) to execute the closing process, with no previously established date; (3) to implement systems that can capture, treat and burn biogas in accordance to the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) ; and (4) to operate, aeer the landlls closure, the economic explora/on of the biogas for 15 years aeer the emission of the ocial closing term of the AMJG.

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The announcement of the landlls closure in 2010, following Brazils new federal policy for solid waste treatment and disposal published that same year, mobilized both the public sector and the waste-pickers, through their coopera/ves and associa/on that had been growing in number since the rst coopera/ve, COOPERGRAMACHO, was created in 1997. In this sense, mobiliza/on meant poli/cal ar/cula/on to guarantee the compensa/on for the waste-pickers for losing their source of income that COMLURB had added to their contract with Novo Gramacho and to mi/gate the social, environmental and economic long-/me eects and impact of the closure for waste-pickers and the neighborhood.

Photo: the AMJG aeer closure. Pedro Kirilos / O Globo Agency.

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An/cipa/ng the events of Rio +20 in 2012, which, like Eco 92, was an interna/onal conference organized by the UN about sustainable development, the closing process was led by Rio de Janeiros State Secretary for Environment (SEA) and by the city of Rio de Janeiros Mayors oce. On the one hand, SEA and the City of Rio had to subs/tute Jardim Gramachos landll with another large-scale one to be able to close down the AMJG, a task that had technical and poli/cal dicul/es due to land scarcity and price and due to increase in expenses for the waste disposal system. On the other, SEA and the City of Rio, based on the contractual clause in which COMLURB guaranteed a nancial compensa/on for the waste-pickers, to be paid by Novo Gramacho along the years, ar/culated to pay upfront this compensa/on according to what the waste-pickers wanted.

In June of 2012, when the AMJG was denitely closed and the new landll in Seropdica another city on the outskirts of Rio, but towards the west rather than close to the Bay was already func/oning, Novo Gramacho, COMLURB and SEA ar/culated a registering process that iden/ed around 1.700 waste-pickers that worked or had worked in the AMJG. Since the ajempt to cons/tute a fund for the waste-pickers that would use the compensa/on to create job opportuni/es, immediate income relief and other purposes failed due to poli/cal reasons, Novo Gramacho, SEA and COMLURB

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called for an assembly of the registered waste-pickers so they could vote. The majority voted to receive an individual compensa/on they could cash from the Bank in full, meaning that each of them got around US$7 thousand (or R$14 thousand in local currency).

The payment of the compensa/on, mo/ved, according to several waste-pickers, by the suspicion they had of receiving the money or benets if they chose several deposits or even indirect use of the funds, weakened the eorts and mobiliza/on by ar/culated eorts, since in itself it already produced enough poli/cal gains in an elec/on year (2012) for both Rio de Janeiro and Duque de Caxias ci/es. Other than a few investments by local candidates of Duque de Caxias, no plan or structured ac/on was taken in Jardim Gramacho by public oces. In few months, the lack of investments and ar/culated ac/on provoked a series of nega/ve consequences, such as illegal dumping in inappropriate places such as waste-pickers backyards and mangroves, the misuse of the compensa/on in electronic equipment, motorcycles, drugs and other bad investments, the con/nuous loss of income and income genera/on opportuni/es. The precarious housing areas suered with oods and res, the neighborhood had at least two episodes of armed robbery to a pharmacy and a minimarket and from all sides of Jardim Gramacho, people began feeling the neighborhood lost its visibility and importance in the governmental agenda.

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Although in some ways, perspec/ves may seem downhill or at least of no improvement, Jardim Gramacho had enormous poten/al that is being slowly recognized by the private sector, in a disar/culated way. The next sec/on will present what are these perspec/ves.

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Photo: the community daycare center closed and for sale, taken during IETS technical visits to Jardim Gramacho in 2013.

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Perspectives_ Jardim Gramacho could have been any other neighborhood in the large suburban towns that sprawl around the city of Rio de Janeiro like Duque de Caxias, where it is located, if it hadnt been the spot where there func/oned once the largest as it is called landll in La/n America. The massive size and public notoriety of the AMJG, however, was not the only asset that makes Jardim Gramacho dierent from any other neighborhood of the Baixada Fluminense: its strategic loca/on and economic poten/als, which are related, cannot be closed down.

In over three years of involvement with the territory as an informed observer, IETS has gathered informa/on and had the opportunity to monitor the changes in the neighborhood since the announcement of the AMJGs closure, un/l a year aeer it actually happened.

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Having produced sta/s/cal data right before the AMJG closed and despite the lack of funding to return to the eld and redo the work for a comparable and contemporary diagnosis, IETS maintained its monitoring through par/cipa/on in the community forums mee/ngs and events and in ar/cula/on mee/ngs between public oces and the private sector regarding Jardim Gramacho, while also making several visits to the eld with the objec/ve of mapping urban and visible changes.

The following sec/on will describe the present-day situa/on of Jardim Gramacho from the perspec/ve of social and economic

Photo: a comparison between 2011 (above) and 2013 (right) of two buildings on Jardim Gramachos square. The warehouse with the red door has been repainted and is available for rent, while the building has become an evangelic church. (2011 photo from Google StreetView and 2013, taken by IETS in technical visits.)

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dynamic, ins/tu/ons and public establishments, and observed poten/als for revitalizing Jardim Gramacho.

The urban sphere of inuence held by the AMJG, however, is the area of Jardim Gramacho contained within the triangular area with the Sarapu River to the north, the Guanabara Bay to the south, connec/ng diagonally with the Highway to the east. In this sense, Jardim Gramacho covers an area of about 880 acres within constraining physical fron/ers, although ocially the neighborhood sprawls also on the other side of Highway Washington Luiz.

Socially and economically, the area was characterized, with data of 2010, as a low-income, mostly residen/al neighborhood with industries and deposit establishments in it main and connec/ng roads, and a public square with a commercial agglomera/on and a soccer eld at Jardim Gramachos geographical heart. The urban and physical descrip/on of the neighborhood can be explored in detail in the mutually complementary document, produced in partnership with IETS by Jonathan Rose Companies, Jardim Gramacho Framework for Redevelopment.

With 17.777 inhabitants in 5,858 residen/al units, according to the na/onal census of 2010, IETS data revealed that Jardim Gramacho, despite the visual dierences between its subareas, has low inequality. Educa/on and income indicators, for example, vary less within the neighborhood than when it is compared with the rest of the metropolitan region. This means that investments in Jardim

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Gramacho have to consider the area as a whole, and not only those where waste-pickers families dwell, since educa/onal, income, health and public service challenges are everywhere in the area.

The average schooling between adults in the neighborhood, for example, is of 6.2 years, or an incomplete fundamental phase of regular schooling (lower/middle school). Among waste-pickers, the average drops to 4 years of schooling and func/onal illiteracy (cannot read and write simple notes) is of around 40%. Adolescents from 15 to 18 years of age and young adults (19 thru 24 year-olds) show, however, an improvement in schooling: the rst group has an average of 6.7 years, while the lajer has 8.1 years of schooling.

In terms of per capita income, the neighborhood varies from US$186 (R$372) to US$155 (R$311) per month among families without or with waste-picker income, respec/vely. Compared to the Rio de Janeiro metropolitan region, the neighborhoods per capita income rates are alarmingly lower than the regions of US$453 (R$905) monthly per capita average. This explains the low Gini coecient for inequality, which in 0,44.

Photo: residen/al shacks in the slum close to the AMJG, taken during IETS technical visits to Jardim Gramacho in 2013. 19

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In terms of poverty, IETS measured Jardim Gramachos income rates against the periods poverty and extreme poverty lines, which pointed to the existence of 5,800 people considered in poverty (or 42,4% of the neighborhoods popula/on), of which 2.100 people were in extreme poverty (or 15,8% of the popula/on). When dis/nguished by the presence of a waste-picker in the family, there are around 50% of poor and 18% of extremely poor families with waste-pickers, compared to 40% of poor and 14,4% of extremely poor families without waste-related income. This conrms the low inequality within Jardim Gramacho, as well as its cri/cal condi/on as a whole.

IETS calculated the impact of the AMJGs closure in the poverty and extreme poverty measures, since the research done dis/nguished waste-picking related income from other sources. The projected impact of the closure was radical: without the waste-picking income guaranteed by the AMJG, the rate of families under the poverty line would go from 50% to 87%, with extreme poverty rates rising alarmingly to 68%, against the ini/al 18% measured in 2010.

This way, Jardim Gramacho poses a social and economic challenge, since it demands, at the same /me, investments to improve income and quality life for all of its popula/on and focal eorts to relieve the probable and harmful impacts of the AMJGs closure. The challenge becomes even greater considering the low average schooling of the popula/on, especially waste-pickers, and professional restraints imposed by the lack of training and job opportuni/es.

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In this sense, the neighborhoods development depends on investments for accessible educa/on and training opportuni/es, which can range from suppor/ng local public establishments that suer with budget issues such as the daycare center and one of the basic health units ran by Duque de Caxias municipality, that have been evicted of the proper/es they func/oned in for not paying the rent to educa/onal, appren/ceship and job training opportuni/es and programs, either independently or ar/culated with the schools and other public and local ini/a/ves for adolescents and adults.

Although scarce and with low adhesion, some ini/a/ves have been iden/ed by IETS in the territory: such as the NGOs and the FAETEC, which in a State program for technical training in civil construc/on and digital capabili/es.

Photo (right): the new training center for civil construc/on, part of the States FAETEC program, opened in 2012. Taken during IETS technical visits to Jardim Gramacho in 2013.

Photo (lee): one of the few NGOs that maintain programs for the youth in Jardim Gramacho. Opening date known, but it was not there in 2011. Taken during IETS technical visits to Jardim Gramacho in 2013.

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In terms of local job oers, the waste-related industry that was once strong in Jardim Gramacho, such as recyclables deposits, have lost strength and presence, opening up space (lots and warehouses) for other economic sectors to occupy. Technical visits done by IETS compared this presence between 2011 and 2013, indicate that new produc/ve, logis/c and distribu/on chains and ac/vi/es have appeared, while enterprises that were non-related to the AMJG s/ll remain. Among the tradi/onal companies and ac/vi/es, IETS iden/ed a wood, furniture and construc/on cluster at the south entrance of Jardim Gramacho, as well as several bus companies garages and mechanical and industrial equipment corpora/ons which maintain units in the neighborhood.

Photos: evangelic church for sale (lee) and comparison between a warehouse in 2011 (top right, from Google StreetView) and 2013 (bojom right). Photos from 2013 were taken during IETS technical visits to Jardim Gramacho. 22

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Changes observed in 2013 through technical visits point to four tendencies: (1) there is an apparently natural and frequent rota/on in the commercial agglomera/on, that was both observed and reported by informal interviews with shop owners, which is especially true with religious temples and churches that are numerous and widespread in the neighborhood; (2) there was an investment in outside appearance and structure from some of the exis/ng industrial or larger companies; (3) the new ac/vi/es are mostly related or similar to exis/ng ones non-related to waste, such as industrial, construc/on and mechanical equipment, garages, logis/cs, and product deposits; (4) these new ac/vi/es are not hiring local workers in signicant numbers, veried through informal interviews with managers and local coopera/ve and community leaders that have been trying to ar/culate job opportuni/es for local unemployed people.

Photos: comparison between another industrial lot in Jardim Gramacho, in 2011 (lee) and 2013 (right), taken from Google StreetView and during IETS technical visits to Jardim Gramacho, respec/vely.

Next page: two vacant lots, for sale (top) and empty (bojom) in dierent areas of Jardim Gramacho, taken during technical visits in 2013. 23

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Despite the clear tendency which has been ajrac/ng new economic ac/vi/es to Jardim Gramacho mostly due to loca/on and reasonable price of land and rent, the neighborhood has enormous construc/on poten/al, with vacant lots and empty warehouses.

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The natural economic process that has been taking place, however posi/ve for the neighborhood, has not been absorbing local workers in no signicant scale and have not contributed to the relief of poverty in Jardim Gramacho. With the closure of the AMJG, waste-related ac/vi/es lee the neighborhood very rapidly, remaining only a few of the old larger deposits, while new clandes/ne deposits have been found during technical visits in 2013 in the more precarious areas.

Due to low educa/onal development and waste-related job training among many of the unemployed in Jardim Gramacho, there are opportuni/es for innova/ve ac/vi/es to take place in that area that can sustain the recycling and reuse tradi/on that has ourished in the past thirty years. In this sense, IETS has been studying, together with John Hopkins University students, possibili/es for this produc/ve chain that are both economically and environmentally interes/ng and feasible. On top of that, there is a tendency which has been proving itself ecient which is development through clusters that seems adequate for the territory, given Jardim Gramachos loca/on and connec/vity.

In the more social aspect, the neighborhood suers from poor public services like most of neighborhoods in the periphery of Brazilian metropolitan regions. Specically, Jardim Gramacho is extremely vulnerable in terms of safety, with no police sta/on or post and known drug tracking. Also, recent armed robberies in the neighborhood to a minimarket and a pharmacy, of which the lajer gained notoriety because of the use of a bulldozer to commit the crime. Also, it is badly served of public transporta/on, with only two bus lines that only pass through few areas near the highway. Even though it is strategically 25

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posi/oned, it is badly connected to the rest of Duque de Caxias, with only one accessible crossway for motor vehicles, even though the neighborhood has several streets o the highway.

Educa/on and health services have been suering from lack of investments, such as the two evicted public services daycare and basic health unit that had to move and share other related public spaces. Another common contradic/on in Brazil, some of the exis/ng public equipment have had their exteriors reformed.

Photos: public service complex for social assistance and basic health unit in 2011 (top lee) and 2013 (immediately below); building that used to be occupied by a health unit in the neighborhood, evicted by lack of rent payment (bojom lee) and the small space it now shares with other two health unit teams, both from 2013. Photo from 2011 was taken from Google StreetView and from 2013 were taken by IETS during technical visits.

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The basic demands of Jardim Gramachos residents have been organized and demanded by its most ac/ve and heterogeneous civil society representa/ve body, the Community Forum of Jardim Gramacho. Created in 2005 as a locally-based ar/cula/on eort by the NGO IBASE, the neighborhoods community forum is composed of several ins/tu/ons, such as waste-picker coopera/ves, local school representa/ves, local churches and religious temples, sport and leisure associa/ons, local NGOs and others.

Among their demands, that have been veried and supported by sta/s/cal and qualita/ve data and technical visits done by IETS, there are the following areas that need investment:

u Child daycare centers: there is currently only one public daycare center, which has been evicted from its premises and now func/ons within another public school of the neighborhood;

u Investment and widening professional capacita7on courses: there is only one /mid ini/a/ve in Jardim Gramacho, ran by the State, for civil construc/on courses. In technical visits, it was veried that the structure may be adequate, but there are problems with availability of hours and teachers, as well as evasion and few courses oered.

u Parks, squares and cultural spaces: essen/ally, public spaces in Jardim Gramacho are scarce, those that exist are basically extended sidewalks and roundabouts, with no planned and invi/ng

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spaces for cultural events and gatherings or for walking and res/ng.

u Transporta7on: Jardim Gramacho, although well located, has connec/vity and mobility problems that slow down development. It demands more bus lines, more stops along the neighborhood, and more buses in the lines.

u Police: with lijle reasons to feel safe, Jardim Gramacho inhabitants demand a police sta/on or post that works 24 hours. Recent robberies and other security issues make it necessary for both industrial and commercial ourishing and personal well-being.

u Health: access to 24-hour and emergency health units is unacceptably hard for Jardim Gramachos residents, which also claim they need specialized doctors like cardiologists and pediatricians, among other equipment and personnel.

Photo: Public leisure space that can be called the main square of Jardim Gramacho, taken during IETS technical visits in 2013.

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Photo (right): newly painted warehouse for rent.

Photo (lee): high rota/on commercial spaces near Jardim Gramachos main square.

Photo (lee): new t r a n s p o r t a / on business in Jardim Gramachos main street.

Photo (let): new steel e q u i p m e n t distribu/on center in Jardim Gramachos main street.

Photo (right): newly reformed container rental company in the back area of Jardim Gramacho.

All pictures taken by IETS during technical visits in 2013.

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u Work & Income: Jardim Gramacho has a rare poten/al, which is to be a produc/ve area where there are poten$ally job opportuni/es for all types of skilled and unskilled labor, such as industrial and mechanical equipment distribu/on and other produc/ve industries. Also, there is construc/on space for new innova/ve ac/vi/es that are waste-related, which can join forces with the several waste-picker coopera/ves that con/nue to receive, separate and sell legally recyclables of all sorts. With the iden/ed chains and their poten/al complementarity, as well as the recycling economic tradi/on that can be structured, IETS has been discussing with economists and public ocials the possibility of cluster development in Jardim Gramacho. Despite the dicul/es of engaging the private sector in public investments, the idea is to plan the ajrac/on of specic types of companies that are in the same or in complementary ac/vity chains to the territory and to engage exis/ng and new private actors as contributors and stakeholders that ac/vely par/cipate in the neighborhoods daily life (lobbying for services and changes, sharing costs, monitoring quality of the services provided, maintenance, etc.).

Aeer 2012s City elec/ons, Duque de Caxias elected a Mayor aligned with the State Governor and with renewed energy to promote eorts around town. Eorts, however, have been minimal in the Jardim Gramacho area, since Duque de Caxias is facing bigger problems with natural catastrophes and broken-down health system and other public services. Also, SEA has slowly been preparing a technical plan of a part of the neighborhood to raise federal funds for a housing project.

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Jardim Gramacho

Perspectives_

To change the current situa/on in Jardim Gramacho, however, eorts must be bejer ar/culated. The relief that had been promised, happened only through the compensa/on and small ini/a/ves such as the NGO Techo, which is building a handful of homes for families in extremely precarious condi/ons.

This document provides only synthesized informa/on on context and perspec/ves of Jardim Gramacho neighborhood that is considered basic background for any interven/on, investment and inten/on to transform this territory and oer bejer lives for its people.

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Photo: Jardim Gramacho neighborhood seen from above. The water body at the back is the Guanabara Bay, whose mangroves limits the eastern and southern limits of the territory. Upfront, the precarious living area and illegal dumping sites (as well as clandes/ne road) are shown, located in the northern area of JG, near the old AMJG. Picture taken from a technical helicopter visit in 2013.